“Medicare-for-All” Understood as Lower Premiums for Me?

By |2019-05-07T20:39:01+00:00May 7th, 2019|Health care spending, Health Care Trends, Health Plans, Health Reform, Insurance, Medicare, Medicare For All, Out-of-pocket spending, Uncategorized|

“Medicare-for-All” Understood as Lower Premiums for Me?

Proposals for Medicare-for-All, or more accurately, universal health coverage, are being introduced by both Congress and state legislatures at a rapid pace (see this useful interactive tool, The Many Varieties of Universal Coverage from The Commonwealth Fund). While policy types argue over how such a plan would be funded and how to set reimbursement rates for providers, and Wall Street frets about what single payer health coverage would do to health insurance companies, state legislators and regular people seem to have a different perspective. In my many conversations with people across the country about the idea of “Medicare-for-All,” I have found it striking how often people say they favor such an approach because they want lower health insurance premiums.

I think we may have a language problem. When health policy people hear “Medicare-for-All”, they think “change the health care delivery and insurance infrastructure from employer contributions to taxpayer contributions,” but maybe when regular people say “Medicare-for-All”, they mean “please find a way to lower my premiums”. The Kaiser Family Foundation Health Tracking Poll conducted in early January hints at the importance of lower premiums as a reason to support “Medicare-for-All” type proposals. As shown in the figure below, nearly 50% of people polled strongly favored proposals that allow people between 50 and 64 years of age to buy in to Medicare, or allow people to buy in to Medicaid, or create a plan like Medicare that is available to anyone. Getting insurance from a single government plan is strongly favored by only 34% of respondents.

These “buy-in” proposals may be gaining in popularity as people lose access to employer-sponsored insurance. Here is the math: “if the coverage rate for employer-sponsored insurance was the same in 2017 as it was in 1999 (67.3%), almost 24 million (or 23.8 million) additional people would be covered through an employer plan in 2017.”

It’s easy to understand why people would focus on lower health care premiums; rising premiums are having a big impact on household incomes. As fewer people are receiving health insurance through their employer, they are also being exposed to higher costs for health care premiums. We pulled recent information on employer and worker contributions for health insurance, the average national premium for a person earning just over 400% of FPL ($49,000) to buy a health plan on the ACA Exchange at various ages, and Medicare premiums. We then created a rough comparison chart of what premiums an individual might have to pay for health insurance based on how they accessed coverage. Below is what we found:

Notably, the average annual premium for employer-sponsored coverage of an individual was about $6,900 last year. But employees usually paid just 18% of that amount. For people who may have been covered by their employer for years, and then have to buy insurance in the ACA Exchange, the loss of that employer-sponsored contribution to their health insurance coverage could be quite a shock.

It’s a catchy phrase and easy to hashtag in social media, but is the appeal of Medicare-for-All driven largely by the hope that a person’s premiums will be lower? Is Medicare-for-All the best or only way to achieve lower premiums? As with all policy issues, we should probably start with the key question, “what problem are we trying to solve” and then go from there, always checking to see that we are, in fact, addressing the problem we are trying to solve with a workable solution.

Even Employed People with Health Insurance are Worried about Health Care Costs

By |2019-04-17T20:59:33+00:00April 17th, 2019|Health care spending, Health Plans, Insurance, Out-of-pocket spending, Uncategorized|

Even Employed People with Health Insurance are Worried about Health Care Costs

Gallup published survey results in April showing health care was American’s top concern. According to the poll, 55% of Americans worried “a great deal” about “the availability and affordability of health care,” and another 25% worried a “fair amount.” Notably, only 23% worried a great deal about unemployment and 33% worried about the economy in general.

Keep in mind when Gallup asked the same questions in 2011 and 2012, 71% of people worried “a great deal” about the economy, but about the same percentage worried about health care costs a great deal as are worried today.

This implies people are feeling flush and have jobs, but still worried about affording health care. Why is that?

In part this is because across roughly the same time period, both health insurance premiums and deductibles have risen, even for people with employer-sponsored insurance (ESI). A study by the University of Pennsylvania Leonard Davis Institute of Health Economics and the United States of Care, also published in April, found that between 2010 and 2016 incomes only grew by about 20%, but premiums grew by approximately 30%, and deductibles grew by more than 55%, nationally. The study provides a state-by-state breakdown but the graphics below give a snapshot of how premiums and deductibles have jumped.

It is no wonder then, that in another Gallup survey released this month, participants said, “Given the choice between a 10% increase in income or a complete five year freeze of health care costs, 61% of people said they’d choose the latter.”

At both the federal and state levels, policymakers are being asked by constituents to come up with ways to make health care more affordable. While some might hear the phrase health care costs and think hospitals or prescription drugs, these survey results and state-by-state data show the cost of health insurance – even for those receiving coverage through their employer – is becoming unmanageable.

When the people who everyone thinks have the “best coverage” are complaining about that coverage, we would do well to broaden the debate. Policy solutions need to focus on the cost of health insurance in order to address people’s concerns. Elected officials, are you listening?

What the Midterms Mean for State Health Policy

By |2018-11-09T20:29:48+00:00November 8th, 2018|Health care spending, Health Plans, Health Reform, Insurance, Medicaid, Out-of-pocket spending, State Health Initiatives, Uncategorized|

What the Midterms Mean for State Health Policy

The midterm elections have happened and all signs point to health care as a top issue in state legislatures in 2019. We have been telling our readers (and clients) this for several months, and Drew Altman, President and CEO of the Henry J. Kaiser Family Foundation, wrote in a guest post for Axios today: “most of the real action affecting people will be in the states.”

Approximately 4 in 10 voters told exit pollsters health care was the top issue for their voting choices. This isn’t surprising as health care costs are going up by about 5% a year, and consumers are being asked to pay a higher share of those costs, which is clearly putting pressure on state policymakers to do something.

States are under particular pressure because they are responsible for overseeing the individual and small group health insurance markets and Medicaid. Why does this matter? Because an increasing proportion of people are working, but don’t have access to employer-sponsored insurance, and can’t afford health insurance being offered in their state.

That is, people have jobs, but the jobs don’t offer health insurance.

In The Rise and Nature of Alternative Work Arrangements in the United States, 1995-2015, researchers at the National Bureau of Economic Research (NBER), Lawrence Katz from Harvard University and Alan Krueger of Princeton University, estimate:

…all of the net employment growth in the U.S. economy from 2005 to 2015 appears to have occurred in alternative work arrangements.

The researchers found between 2005 and 2015 workers in alternative work arrangements, such as “temporary help agency workers, on-call workers, contract workers, and independent contractors or freelancers – rose from 10.1 percent in February 2005 to 15.8 percent in late 2015.”

For these “gig workers,” buying health insurance coverage, for example in the Obamacare exchanges, means high premiums (see ) and very high deductibles, as the chart below from Avalere shows.

Deductibles of $4,000, $5,000, $6,000 are rarely seen in large employer insurance offerings. Only 20% of covered workers in large firms in 2018 had an annual deductible of $2,000 or more. Compare that to 42% of workers with a deductible of $2,000 or more in small firms (fewer than 199 workers), as the Kaiser Family Foundation chart below shows.

For the parts of the health care market states oversee, including the individual and small group insurance markets, state employees, and Medicaid, states will have their hands full in 2019 as they try to manage health costs for constituents who are working but can’t afford the health insurance options available to them.

It’s hard to understand why it’s reasonable that a freelancer or person working in a small firm can’t have access to the same affordable, robust health coverage as their counterparts in large firms.

It’s Open Enrollment for Health Insurance. Am I a Small Business?

By |2018-11-02T16:14:41+00:00November 1st, 2018|Health Plans, Health Reform, Insurance, Uncategorized|

It’s Open Enrollment for Health Insurance. Am I a Small Business?

Open enrollment started today for the approximately 15 million people – less than 5% of the U.S. population – who do not purchase their health insurance through an employer, or receive it via a government-run program, such as Medicaid, Medicare, or military health care. Likewise, for people enrolled in Medicare, or many employer plans, it is the season to be making a choice about what health insurance you’d like to have for you and your family next year.

As a small business owner, I am also faced with a decision about whether and how to offer insurance to my employees, and what to offer. Here is where the fun begins and where my work life as a state health policy consultant collides with my experience as an employer trying to do the right thing.

In Virginia, as of 2018, I can now choose between buying coverage in the individual market or the small group market. This is because the Virginia legislature passed SB672 this summer, revising the definition of “small employer.” Here is the super boring, but very important change as described by the Virginia Bureau of Insurance in a bulletin to health insurance carriers:

The new law broadens the definition of “small employer” in §§ 38.2-3406.1 and 38.2-3431 of the Code of Virginia (“Code”) to include a “self-employed individual, and to allow a sole shareholder of a corporation or a sole member of a limited liability company (“LLC”), or an immediate family member of such sole shareholder or sole member, to count as an employee of the corporation or LLC, provided that the individual has performed a service for remuneration under a contract of hire.

Why does this matter? Because the rates offered to me in the small group market are much lower than those offered to me in the individual market for the same coverage, in the same market, with the same selection of providers. The difference is stark as the table below shows.

Table 1. M2 Health Care Consulting Healthcare.Gov Individual v. Small Group Rate Comparison

Notably, the Virginia Bureau of Insurance admits in the summer bulletin, “the inclusion of sole proprietors in the definition of “small employer” does conflict with the definitions of “small employer” as administered by the Department of Health and Human Services, the Department of Labor, and the Internal Revenue Service, § 1321(d) of the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act (“ACA”)…” [emphasis added]

But in its defense of possibly being in violation of federal law, Virginia argues first, that this provision “does not ‘prevent the application’ of the ACA,” and second, that other states have enacted similar laws.

Health care is confusing, expensive, and has become increasingly frustrating. Virginia decided to make a health care policy change this year that makes at least one small business less frustrated, while at the same time making health insurance options for me and my employees less expensive and we appreciate it. Let’s keep working on the system and see what else we can do!

CVS Health Just Upended the U.S. Health Insurance Market

By |2018-08-15T13:38:07+00:00August 14th, 2018|Health care spending, Health Care Trends, Health Plans, Health Reform, Innovation, Insurance, Out-of-pocket spending, Retail Health, telehealth, Uncategorized|

CVS Health Just Upended the U.S. Health Insurance Market

For $59, CVS Health will now offer telehealth video visits through the company’s retail medical clinic, MinuteClinic. The video visits will be available through the CVS Pharmacy App to anyone interested who lives in Arizona, California, Florida, Idaho, Maine, Maryland, Mississippi, New Hampshire, and Virginia – and Washington D.C.

This move will significantly change the health insurance market, and CVS’s merger with giant insurer Aetna isn’t even final, though reportedly, the “Justice Department’s antitrust division hasn’t turned up vertical competition concerns from the merger,” increasing the odds significantly that the deal closes before the end of the year.

What does CVS Health see that is driving this strategy? A shifting private health insurance market that requires people to pay up front for routine care, making consumers more sensitive to costs and less obligated to use a provider that is “in-network.” In the olden days (2006!), as the chart below shows, patients paid the majority of their cost-sharing payments in the form of copayments or coinsurance, that is, payments to providers who had an agreement with a health insurer. In 2016, for the first time, more than half of cost-sharing payments were in the form of a deductible, as the chart below from the Peterson-Kaiser Health System Tracker shows.

MinuteClinic video visits for $59 (paid for directly by the consumer) capitalize on three ongoing trends: 1) Patients have to pay more, before insurance starts to pay for claims, making consumers more sensitive to cost; 2) Patients want more convenience and CVS can deliver it more cheaply, in no small part because there are no insurance forms or administrative costs; and 3) Payers are reluctant to pay for virtual visits.

First, CVS Health is looking to serve people with routine health needs who are shopping for lower costs.

According to FAIR Health, the median charge for a new patient office visit at a retail clinic in 2016 was $109, compared to $294 in an office setting. The average charges and allowed amounts for the most typical retail clinic visits are shown in the chart below from the FH Healthcare Indicators™ and FH Medical Price Index.™

Simply put, the video visits will be cheaper than retail clinic visits. And, even if a patient is referred from the MinuteClinic video visit to one of the 1,100 MinuteClinic physical locations, that patient is likely to save more than $100 for the visit compared to going to a physician visit.

Second, CVS is looking to leverage the steep rise of people seeking care in retail clinics, by offering a clear value proposition to use a MinuteClinic virtually because it’s cheaper and more convenient. As the chart from FH Healthcare Indicators™ and FH Medical Price Index™ below shows, retail clinic visits increased by 847% from 2011 to 2016 with growth in rural areas increasing by 704% and in urban areas by 865%.

Clearly, CVS Health knows their potential customer well. A survey of 5,000 virtual visit users published by the Advisory Board in April shows more than 33% of people who had a virtual visit lived in a city, compared to 9% who lived in the suburbs or rural areas. Virtual visit users are also high earners – 52% “make more than $71,000 a year,” and are more likely to have private insurance.

Third, CVS Health sees that getting insurance companies to pay for virtual visits is hard. Forbes recently touted telehealth in article titled, Lower Cost Higher Quality Health Care Is Right At Our Fingertips but the author was blunt in his explanation of what is holding telehealth back:

“The biggest obstacles? Government. Insurance companies. Employers. They pay the bills. Not only have they been slow to take advantage of telemedicine, they are refusing to pay for most of it…”

Getting a virtual visit via the free CVS/pharmacy app for just $59 means a person can go around his or her insurance company – and CVS avoids that hassle, too. Here are just a few ways that CVS Health’s approach differs from regular health insurance: You don’t need a referral. You don’t need to wait days for an appointment. You probably don’t have to take time off work because the virtual visits are available 24 hours a day, 7 days a week.

If you are one of the 40% of people who has employer-sponsored insurance but is enrolled in a high deductible health plan (HDHP), you probably love the idea of a cheaper alternative to a retail clinic since you are accustomed to paying out-of-pocket for your basic care now. Even if you have insurance, it doesn’t matter, because the virtual visits can only be paid for with a credit or debit card (CVS Health said they will add insurance coverage and national coverage by the end of the year).

Insurers have been offering limited products, in limited geographies, with limited providers, their “network,” for years. The launch of MinuteClinic video visits will be trumpeted as a huge value for consumers. That is only half the story. How will health care providers convince people who are mostly healthy that they have to wait for appointments between 10am and 3pm at a complex, integrated health system where they have to pay to park? How will insurers convince people to continue to buy the expensive, comprehensive coverage on offer today? This move will start to change the way people think about what insurance is even for. Now THAT is disruptive.

It’s all about the premiums, for a tiny but mighty political powerhouse

By |2017-10-20T04:24:21+00:00October 19th, 2017|Health Plans, Health Reform, Insurance, Uncategorized|

It’s all about the premiums, for a tiny but mighty political powerhouse

On October 17, 2017, Senators Lamar Alexander (R-TN) and Patty Murray (D-WA) announced a bipartisan deal to “stabilize individual market premiums and provide meaningful state flexibility.” The latest “repeal and replace” proposal from Alexander/Murray came just a week after U.S. Health and Human Services (HHS) Acting Secretary Eric Hargan and Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services (CMS) Administrator Seema Verma announced cost-sharing reduction (CSR) payments would be “discontinued immediately based on a legal opinion from the Attorney General.” Lots and lots has already been written about the CSR policy change (I recommend Timothy Jost’s piece in Health Affairs for a brief summary of the major issues).

Professor Jost explains the CSRs succinctly:

The Affordable Care Act (ACA) requires insurers to reduce cost sharing for individuals who enroll in silver plans and have household incomes not exceeding 250 percent of the federal poverty level (FPL). These provisions reduce the out-of-pocket limit for these enrollees—particularly for those with incomes below 200 percent of poverty—and sharply reduce deductibles, coinsurance, and copayments. The reductions cost insurers around $7 billion a year currently.

Based in part on what the Senators heard from state officials in early September (see this ) the Alexander/Murray deal would continue to fund the CSRs for two years, would allow people of any age to purchase catastrophic health plans and would allow states even broader latitude to waive provisions of the Affordable Care Act (ACA) in order to lower premiums – for example, by allowing health insurers to offer products that do not cover all of the essential health benefits.

If lower priced products can’t be offered in the portion of the market that is unsubsidized, it is difficult to foresee how a bill gets through Congress. A tiny but mighty political powerhouse is fighting hard for a fix that solves a very particular problem in the current ACA structure.

It’s all about the premiums

Keep in mind, about 17 million people receive their health insurance through the ACA health exchanges (see Charles Gaba chart – aka The Psychedelic Donut – below) – approximately 5% of the American public. Of those 17 million people, 1.6 million are in Exchange plans, but do not receive a subsidy. That is, health insurance companies are not obliged to reduce their premiums or cost-sharing requirements, most likely because they make more than 250 percent of FPL – about $30,000 for a single person, or $61,500 for a family of four.

Charles Gaba’s Psychedelic Donut Chart

Florida’s 6.6%

Let’s take the example of Florida. Just before the CSR announcement from the Trump Administration, one of the state’s largest insurers, Florida Blue, said it would be raising premiums, on average, 38 percent, for the 2018 plan year. A spokesperson explained:

“So who’s the one losing in this scenario? It’s the people who don’t get a subsidy to help out. Florida Blue has about 66,000 of their 1 million Obamacare customers who would have to cover the premium increases on their own. These are people with higher incomes, many who are maybe freelancers or self-employed.

But who are those 66,000 people? In my estimation, that mighty 6.6%, and their counterparts across the U.S., are the ones who have effectively driven this policy change, and much of the “repeal and replace” demands over the past few years. Small business owners, especially tiny ones with fewer than five employees, are very focused on the issue of rising premiums and have been instrumental in communicating to their elected officials that their premiums are too high. The National Small Business Association (NSBA) 2016 Politics of Small Business Survey last year asked nearly 1,000 small business owners (47% of the respondents had five or fewer employees) what they contacted elected officials about.

What was the top issue? Controlling the costs of health care (see chart).

And amazingly, “97 percent of small-business owners say they vote regularly in national contests, compared to” only 58 percent turnout for the general election in 2012.

The Florida Blue spokesperson explained why this is such a hot-button issue for these politically-motivated, non-CSR-receiving, small business owners:

“The good news in all this: most people in Florida get private health insurance through their work. Those increases are going to be much more normal – about 8 percent on average for small companies.”

There is the whole issue in a nutshell. If you run a business or are self-employed and you make more than about $30,000 a year, you pay high premiums that jump 20, 30, 40 percent or more a year. In Florida, the average premium increase on the Exchange will be 45 percent in 2018, and the highest approved rate increase was 71 percent according to the Florida Office of Insurance Regulation. But if you buy the same insurance a slightly different way, either by becoming self-insured or becoming an employee of a bigger company, your premium increase will not be as great.

As Washington and the states continue to debate “repealing and replacing” the Affordable Care Act, keep an eye on what policy proposals mean for the politically-active small business owner. Fixes such as allowing anyone to buy catastrophic health plans (not just those under the age of 30) or allowing health insurers to sell products that offer fewer benefits will likely lower the premiums for people who buy health insurance on their own, whether tiny businesses or freelancers. Stopping payment of the CSRs won’t fix the problem small business voters are having with health care. If a proposal fixes this tiny but mighty political group’s problem with the ACA, the likelihood of passage improves immensely.

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